Israeli Prime Minister
has been labeled a warmonger, a wolf-crier and an opponent of peace at any price because of his policies on Iran.
Here's what Netanyahu's critics say: His warnings of a bad deal are designed to undermine measures to slow Iran's
nuclear program
and test its openness to long-term solutions. His insistence on
strengthening, rather than easing, sanctions will weaken Iranian
moderates and drive them from the negotiating table — precisely what
Netanyahu allegedly wants. Similarly, his demands for dismantling Iran's
uranium enrichment facilities and removing its nuclear stockpile are
intended to replace diplomatic options with military ones.
The critics claim that he is again playing the doomsayer, the spoiler
of efforts to avoid conflict and restore Iran to the community of
nations.
Why would any leader subject
himself to such obloquy? Why would he risk international isolation and
friction with crucial allies? And why, as some commentators assert,
would Netanyahu jeopardize a peaceful resolution of the Iranian nuclear
threat and drag his country — and perhaps not only his — into war?
The answers to these questions are simple.
Netanyahu is acting out of a deep sense of duty to defend Israel
against an existential threat. Such dangers are rare in most countries'
experience but are traumatically common in Israel's, and they render the
price of ridicule irrelevant.
Moreover, when formulating policies vital to Israel's survival, the
prime minister consults with Israel's renowned intelligence community, a
robust national security council and highly specialized units of the
Israel Defense Forces. Netanyahu may at times appear to stand alone on Iran, but he is backed by a world-class body of experts.
In 2011, these same analysts predicted that the
Arab Spring, which
was widely hailed as the dawn of Middle Eastern democracy, would be
hijacked by Islamic radicals. They foresaw years of brutal civil strife.
Netanyahu publicly expressed these conclusions and was denounced as a
naysayer by many of the same columnists who are now lambasting him on
Iran.
Yet it is precisely on Iran that Israeli specialists have proved most
prescient. They were the first, more than 20 years ago, to reveal
Iran's clandestine nuclear activities. They continued to scrutinize the
program, emphasizing its military goals, even after 2003, when
weaponization was purportedly halted.
Throughout several attempts at diplomacy, these experts have disclosed the ways that Iran systematically obstructed
United Nations
observers, lied to world leaders and hid nuclear facilities, such as
the one at Fordow, which can have no peaceful purpose. Israeli
intelligence has accurately tracked Iran's support for terrorist
organizations, its role in the massacre of thousands of Syrians and its
responsibility for attacks against civilians in dozens of cities around
the world.
This does not mean that Israeli estimates are infallible. Since the failure to foresee the 1973
Yom Kippur
War, intelligence officials are wary of long-standing conceptions and
rigorously question them. Nevertheless, Israeli experts agree that for
hegemonic purposes and internal security, the Iranian regime wants and
needs the bomb.
Consequently, it will employ any ruse to preserve the ability to
produce a weapon in a matter of weeks while obtaining some relief from
sanctions.
Iranian leaders know — and Israel's analysts agree — that lessening
the economic pressure on Iran will send an incontrovertible message to
foreign companies, many of which are already seeking contracts with
Tehran, that the sanctions that took years to build are ending. Iran
could drag out any confidence-building period indefinitely while
producing fissile materiel for multiple bombs.
Top-flight intelligence helped Israel grapple with the challenges
posed by the Arab Spring, but the stakes regarding Iran — the lives of 8
million Israelis — are vastly greater. Pundits may posit that Iranian
President
Hassan Rouhani is a moderate, but Israelis cannot indulge in speculation. Our margin for error is nil.
Knowing that, Netanyahu is duty-bound to warn of Iranian subterfuge,
to insist that Iran cede its centrifuges, cease enrichment, close its
heavy-water plant and transfer its nuclear stockpiles abroad.
He has a responsibility to explain that although Israel has the most
to gain from diplomacy, it also has the most to lose from its failure.
He is obliged to stress that the choice is not between sanctions and war
but between a bad deal and stronger sanctions. And as the prime
minister of the Jewish state, Netanyahu must assert Israel's right to
defend itself against any existential threat.
Critics can call him militant or intransigent, but Netanyahu is
merely doing his job. Any Israeli leader who did less would be
strategically and morally negligent.
Michael Oren served as Israel's ambassador to the United States from 2009 to 2013.